Read Rowland Manthorpe's winning essay and extracts from the
shortlisted essays on history and Britishness. The prize is run by the
Fabian Society and The Guardian. (July 2006)
Spirit of the Brits Read Rowland Manthorpe's winning essay
and extracts from the shortlisted essays on history and Britishness.
The prize is run by the Fabian Society and The Guardian. (July 2006) Read the winning essay http://books.guardian.co.uk/departments/history/story/0,,1809895,00.html Congratulations
to Rowland Manthorpe, winner of the 2006 Pimlott Prize for Political
Writing, run by the Fabian Society and The Guardian, in memory of Ben
Pimlott. His winning essay argued that while the London bombings of
2005 saw many instinctively invoke the Blitz spirit, it is the history
of anti-Catholicism in the eighteeenth century which offers more
relevant lessons. The 2006 theme was 'Who do you think you are?
Can history help us to define British identity today, or is it part of
the problem'. Over 260 entries were received, taking a wide range of
approaches to the topic of Britishness and history. Extracts from the
ten shortlisted essays can be read below. The judges were
Annalena McAfee, editor, Guardian Review, Gordon Marsden MP, former
editor of History Today, Sunder Katwala, Fabian General Secretary, Jean
Seaton, University of Westminster. We are grateful for the support of
the Sternberg Foundation. Shortlisted essays 'As
observers played the game of historical analogies in the weeks after
July 7, one particularly relevant episode in British history was
notable for its absence. The brutal anti-Catholicism that has marked
Britishness for much of its history is still commemorated every year on
November 5. Yet in the wake of the London bombings no one talked about
Guy Fawkes and his grisly fate, nor dared to compare Muslims to
Catholics. Beneath the scab of this repressed memory lies a potent
warning of the power of historical narrative. The Gordon Riots of June
1780 were the most tumultuous and destructive of a violent century. In
the wake of the Commons' refusal to repeal the Catholic Relief Act of
1778, rioting erupted around London. Over two hundred people were
killed in the city's streets. Politics in the middle of the first
decade of the twenty-first century shares many similarities with the
politics of the late 1770s. Then, the country was unsettled by a
divisive foreign war: for Iraq 2003, read America 1775. The war was far
from universally supported: newspapers at the time excoriated the
government's bungled imperialism. But it still cast its polarising
shadow back into the domestic arena. Preparing for another bout of
conflict with Catholic France, in which contest the engagement in
America was a round of shadow-boxing, eighteenth century Britons
questioned the loyalty of the Catholics in their midst. How could one
be committed to the Pope and the global Catholic brotherhood and stay
loyal to the King? Rowland Manthorpe, Who do you think you are? http://books.guardian.co.uk/departments/history/story/0,,1809895,00.html 'My
fourth British journey was in 1970, to Wad Medani, in the Sudan. A
brown plain so hot you could smell it. A small darkened room with three
beds and a table. I was a volunteer teacher, working in a state
boarding school. The British had built the school as a cross between an
army barracks and a municipal park. The examination board was Oxford.
The houses were named after the great Islamic schools of thought. The
paths were marked out straight, in small rocks, each one painted white.
The boys were organized in dorms, marched in berets, played football,
read Buchan, banged their mugs, got caned and wanted to know what I
thought of The Beatles. God knows what they thought of me. Allah
kareem. I celebrated Eid with a fellow teacher, back in his village.
Out in the early morning, spread across the vast plain of the Gezira,
we faced Mecca, our shining white gelabirs flapping audibly in the
breeze. The ranks of the faithful. But even as I knelt and prayed, I
knew what they knew. I was not one of them but one of the old
colonialists. Knowing that could incite jealousies, skew friendships,
make tongues stick. In order to thrive, I had to raise my standards.
For the first and only time in my life, I stiffened my upper lip. By
which I mean, I tried to control my feelings. It was a strength, I have
to admit, though a battered and clichιd one. When I returned to London
in the summer of 1971, I had forgotten how to be me'. Robert Colls, British journeys. 'Doctor
Who is a very British alien. The Doctor can be at the same time hi-tech
and camp, familiar and terrifying, self-effacing as he saves the world,
asexual though he always leaves with the girl. The Ninth Doctor, who in
2005 carried on the series that has been a part of British
consciousness since 1963, appeared in only thirteen episodes. During
this brief incarnation, he seemed to find himself spending a lot of
time on Earth, and most of that in Britain not surprising, perhaps,
since the Doctor shares many cultural reference points with the
British, not least of which is a fascination with the Second World War.
The double episode of the 2005 series set during the London Blitz is
one of only two trips to the past made by the Ninth Doctor; voted the
most frightening episode of the series by BBC viewers, it also
presented one of the series' most evocative images. A small child in a
gasmask wanders the streets of wartime London calling for its Mummy in
eerie and plaintive tones. The image is chilling: the faceless child is
sinister as well as pitiful. But it is also familiar. It is suitable
for scheduling before the watershed on the BBC. The civilian gasmask as
an iconic object is a useful allegory for the way Britain today
understands the Second World War it inspires a frisson of fear, but
since we know gas attacks never came, the mask evokes not sorrow,
terror and ugly death, but danger averted and overcome'. Justine Doody, War in our time: Modern Britain and the second world war 'As
I grew up, I was aware of my own culture quite separately from and
prior to any feeling of Britishness. It was a situation that might
today be recognised as the norm
At the time, however, during the
1980s and under the Thatcher government, being Scottish, being raised
Catholic, felt distinctly like being in opposition to power in Britain
even if there were lots of others who were opposed to it too. Like
other cultural identities, mine relied upon an awareness of history. On
family holidays, the explaining and defining of Scotland, and
ourselves, as a product of history was an indispensable aspect of
day-tripping. We saw stones in Angus carved by the ancient Picts;
fields where Scotland's independence had been secured in battle against
English invasion; abbeys and cathedrals torn down and left to ruin,
four centuries earlier, by hysterical Presbyterian reformers; the
tumbling shells of ruined crofts dotting highland slopes, a ghostly
reminder of the British government's support for 'clearances'.
Meanwhile, it was Britain which, to a large extent, could usefully
explain who we were not, even though we were tied to it
No doubt it
was this sort of reflection on the past which led the novelist Malcolm
Bradbury to observe 'that mixture of strange fact, romantic fiction and
cultural resentment that in Scotland is called history'. Alasdair Gillon - 'An attractive version of events' 'On
a BBC History website you can type in Multicultural History and find
entries about Asian and Caribbean soldiers in the two world wars,
Windrush, 'Post-Windrush Black British Literature', 'the first black
Britons' ('black men and women have lived in Britain in small numbers
since at least the 12th century'), Dr. Johnson's black servant, the
British in India, the 1857 Rebellion, an overview of the Holocaust,
pieces on Eichmann, Churchill and the Holocaust and a link to a BBC
radio programme on 'The awesome achievements of the Mughal Empire'.
There is something for everyone: new histories for a new multicultural
Britain. But this is a mishmash. It tries to speak to everyone but
speaks to no one. Some of it was always there, in the old histories
(1857), some of it is not British history at all (the US Civil Rights
movement, Eichmann) and some of it is self-contradictory: Ignatius
Sancho was 'a major [Black] literary celebrity in Georgian London' but
the '100 Great Black Britons' website doesn't feature anyone born
before the 1890s. Much of this is minor, muddled and patronising. Whose
confidence or sense of identity is going to be bolstered by shrill
references to Henry VII's black trumpeter or Dr. Johnson's black
servant?
This is a history of minorities following small byways. It
misses the great highways of British history. History is a way of
holding a society together. We sometimes speak as if this is a new
problem. It is not'. David Herman, History lessons 'My
family have a very British surname; and we've largely been, at least
ostensibly, an archetypally British family; we were, for example,
saddled for fifteen years with a blue B-reg Nova with a glove box that
opened when cornering because it had been built in a factory near
Luton. Each of these things, however, have the potential to mislead. As
my dad has peered deeper into our family history, he has discovered
that our identity cannot be mapped out solely within the borders of
this little island. The same is true of the history of our nation as a
whole. For anyone who is willing to look, there is, waiting to greet
you, the realisation that there is, to varying degrees, international,
multicultural and multiethnic blood, ancestry and culture in all of us.
It is perhaps for this reason that, whenever there is a national debate
in the press on the concept of British identity, it feels that so much
knowledge and understanding is lost in trying to identify a series of
lowest common denominators of what a British person is like. Although
this desire is in many ways admirable, there is a risk that in trying
to define Britishness; or to distil it into a finite list of traits,
characteristics, likes and dislikes, that we forget the broad palette
of influences, peoples, genetics, events and culture from which our
nation has been drawn, over the course of the country's history as well
as over the last fifty years. Our varied differences are perhaps the
major thing we all have in common. Anthony Hainsworth, Who do you think you are? 'I
grew up in an unremarkable, if middle-class Kikuyu household in
Nairobi. My siblings and I knew that our grandfather had been detained
during the emergency but we were not told much more. If we visited our
grandparents, we were more likely to get a reading from the Bible than
a lecture on the evils the British visited upon the Kikuyu during the
dreadful Mau Mau years. Twenty years ago I landed on British soil for
the first time. I was fortunate to be sent out here to attend
university. I had spent a childhood and adolescence in Kenya absorbing
so much that was British books, comics, newspapers, television, games
and boyhood activities that England did not feel like a foreign
country to me. What I felt about England had no bearing on how England
felt about me, however. As far as England was concerned, I was a
foreigner (never mind the fiction that Commonwealth citizens are not
foreigners in Commonwealth countries) looking to obtain an expensive
university education for a fee. No more. The rules were clear: stay in
England for as long as was required by your course and then go back
home. By the end of the first year of my university course, I found
that I rather liked being in England and decided that I wanted to
remain here as a lawyer. Gitau Githinji, British Thinking: the legacy of colonialism and Mau Mau 'As
the second world war has receded, the building blocks of national
self-awareness have largely lost their force and relevance. We have a
parliamentary democracy in dire need of reform and rejuvenation. We are
in Europe but not comfortable with it. We have a long-standing monarchy
but have developed doubts about its future. Above all, we had a great
empire but have not managed to come to terms with its loss and with its
long-term consequences. For this historians bear some of the
responsibility. We are raising a generation in almost complete
ignorance of our imperial past. In schools students are more familiar
with Hitler, Mussolini and Stalin than with Robert Clive, General
Gordon or Cecil Rhodes. Not that they need to be fed on a diet of
imperial heroics. The study of empire offers a wonderfully vast and
varied experience that encompasses everything from the Indian 'Mutiny',
the 'drain of wealth', and the Amritsar Massacre, to Indian democracy,
cricket and the Indian railway system
. That this caution is
unnecessary is obvious when one considers how the imperial experience
is viewed in India today. As a mature national community Indians are
fully conscious of their struggle for independence, but they know it
takes away nothing from their achievements since 1947 to recognise the
extent of the British impact on their political system and political
culture, on the law, on the army and on education'. Martin Pugh - Who do you think you are? 'You
are right, my friend, to lament that there is no single day that we
point to as the birth of our country. 29th September 1066 hardly
qualifies, since that was the conquest of mere England, and by a
Frenchman at that. 24th March 1603 might be more appropriate, when the
Scotsman James VI merged his throne with that of his mother's murderer.
But his was a divisive reign and it could hardly be said that his
kingdom was 'united'. Other dates fall into similar problems
Each
'Act of Union' that increased power in London was also a death knell of
one of its neighbours. To suggest we should celebrate them now would
not be a popular move. We are perhaps alone in this dilemma.
Other countries can define themselves by their liberation (such a noble
virtue to found a country) from a dominant other, one that is usually
well, us. Our friends in the USA define themselves against our King
George. Each country in our Commonwealth celebrates the day when we
were no longer their masters. Our European neighbours can define
themselves against the plague of dictators that blighted the twentieth
century. Wbo is our oppressor? There is none. Our history is long and
unconquered, and we have no Independence Day to show for it. We were
almost conquered however
Hitler never defeated us but the extent to
which we define ourselves against him reaches deep into our psyche,
even today. Robert Sharp, A Most Respectful Letter from
an Englishman in Scotland to a Scotsman in England; In Which the
Subject of Their Shared Britishness is Discussed at Some Length. 'The
girls babbled in English and in Bengali, tripping between languages as
easily and as agilely as they did over delicate political assumptions.
Allusions to racism or sexism fitted into their banter as easily as boy
talk. The girls seemed to inhabit several worlds at least: the
Bangladeshi culture which their parents varyingly imparted, the
versions of England in mixed East London, and the bridge that connects
the two, that allows them to cross-reference and to dart back and
forth. The lived on the Robin Hood estate, popularly known as Little
Sylhet. In Bangladeshi terms they were rich and privileged; by English
assumptions they were deprived deprived anyway of opportunity.
We
were taking a break from the session. "What did you study then?" They
looked at me archly, after I'd asked a question too many. "History". A
long pause. "Why, why d'you do that then"? they said in unison. "Don't
you find it interesting"? I began, thinking perhaps that I could
question my way out of this examination. "Well, I mean it's done,
innit. It's passed. Finished. What's interesting about that?" they
replied just as suspiciously. Dead matter no longer moved, no longer
fizzed. And anyway, the history teacher was boring'. To these
sharp, edgy teenagers, I felt myself floundering in trying to find an
answer, or a justification for such a commitment. I was on the back
foot. I knew I could not deploy some lofty rationale about truth and
reconciliation, or the search for understanding of motives or identity:
their eyes would glaze over and onto the next heart-throb on the tiny
screen. These girls travelled lightly, unharrassed by the triplicity of
their identity. Isabella Thomas, Against Literalism More on the Pimlott Prize Pimlott prize 2005: read the winning essay Mark Hayhurst on Aneurin Bevan http://books.guardian.co.uk/departments/politicsphilosophyandsociety/story/0,6000,1493978,00.html Pimlott prize 2005: shortlist extracts http://books.guardian.co.uk/departments/politicsphilosophyandsociety/story/0,6000,1494031,00.html Ben Pimlott remembered: Tributes and obituaries |