Bitter Pill
As the far right capitalises on young men’s alienation, progressives must confront misogyny and the crisis in men’s mental health together, argues Tim Shand
Britain faces a dual challenge often treated as two separate debates: the growth and normalisation of online misogyny and the deteriorating mental health of men and boys. These are not competing priorities, however – they are interconnected symptoms of the same underlying fractures: social isolation, online ecosystem dynamics, economic insecurity, gender norms, and gaps in polices, support and prevention systems.
The rise of online misogyny necessitates looking beyond punitive responses. Digital platforms amplify grievance and sexism because it is profitable. Algorithms funnel some boys and young men towards content that frames women’s progress as their loss and asserts that the very idea of manhood is being threatened. At the same time, many young men report feeling invisible and unsure of their place in a changing economy and culture. When constructive spaces for connection and recognition are absent, harmful online narratives and AI ‘companions’ fill the void.
This is why preventing online misogyny and promoting men’s mental health must be understood as mutually reinforcing goals. Preventing sexism, harassment, abuse and violence against women and girls (Vawg) is non-negotiable. But so too is investing in the health, wellbeing and positive identities of our men and boys. Progressive politics must be able to hold both truths at once.
The prime minister’s recent announcement of a national summit on men and boys this year is therefore significant. It recognises that concerning trends in men’s and boys’ education, mental health and unemployment demand serious policy attention. This is not a retreat from gender equality. On the contrary, this sort of action is essential to achieving it. Societies in which boys and men feel valued, purposeful and connected are societies in which everyone can thrive.
At the Misogyny Policy Project, working alongside Fabian Women, Male Allies UK, Jess Asato MP and Alistair Strathern MP, we have sought to bridge these debates. On 25 February we held a roundtable on policy responses to online misogyny and men’s mental health in parliament. We launched a new cross-sectoral task force which brings together Vawg organisations, men and boys’ groups, mental health practitioners, online safety experts, young people, trade unions, researchers, educators, sports organisations, think tanks, MPs and civil servants to develop collaborative policy solutions to this shared challenge.
At the roundtable, there was striking consensus that the harms of online misogyny do not only accrue to women; sexist content is also harming boys and young men. There was agreement, too, that policymakers must support healthier online and offline connections. We discussed five key policy priorities for the national men and boys’ summit.
First, education. Schools must go beyond reactive “anti-misogyny lectures” and instead explore digital citizenship, relational capacity, emotional literacy, self-accountability and critical thinking about algorithms, AI, norms, being a bystander, and consent from an early age. Participants stressed the need for this process to start in primary school, with specialist training for teachers and parents and safe dialogue spaces. Evidence from school workshops shows boys are eager to discuss masculinity when it is framed aspirationally rather than as shameful.
Second, tech regulation. Participants called for algorithmic transparency, stronger scrutiny of harmful funnelling, and bans on exploitative technologies. Breaking the financial and algorithmic incentives that reward misogyny is essential.
Third, male-friendly mental health services. We need services designed with and for young men – peer-led, group-based, and embedded in community settings which are non-judgmental and provide trusted, strengths-based support.
Fourth, creating pro-social male spaces. Misogynistic spaces offer identity and belonging. Progressives must offer better alternatives online and offline: mentorship, structured men’s groups, youth centres, shared community challenges, offering status through contribution not reinforcing patriarchy.
Fifth, economic dignity matters. Vocational pathways, apprenticeships and transitions into skilled and caring professions can restore purpose for young men who feel left behind. Economic marginalisation fuels zero-sum narratives.
The roundtable discussion made clear that policy fails when it shames boys or pathologises them as inherently toxic. It succeeds when it reduces humiliation and increases belonging, emphasising accountability, agency and self-respect. We must avoid framing all boys as abusers, just as we must avoid ignoring the harms faced by women and girls.
For Labour, this agenda is politically urgent. The far right has been adept at exploiting young men’s grievances, offering simplistic explanations. If progressive politics does not engage with the politics of masculinities, others will fill the vacuum. We are already seeing this happen with the young men attracted to Reform’s politics. That does not mean conceding ground on women’s rights; it means strengthening them by addressing the conditions in which backlash can grow.
By acting on these priorities, and supporting continued cross-sectoral collaboration, the Labour government can articulate a politics that is both feminist and attentive to male vulnerability. In doing so, we can undercut misogyny at its roots — and build a more equal, prosperous Britain.
